This article examines the temporal structure of state-seeking nationalist mobilization in the modern world-system. Scholars of nationalism have long debated whether nationalism expands with modernization, declines after reaching a historical peak, recurs in successive waves, or remains contingent on specific political conjunctures. Yet these competing temporal assumptions are rarely examined systematically. This article introduces polynomial regression analysis as a post-positivist heuristic method for making such assumptions visible and comparable. Rather than treating polynomial regression as a device for mechanically confirming or falsifying theories, it uses it as a diagnostic tool that clarifies how different interpretations become plausible under different specifications of time, geography, and periodization. Using the State-Seeking Nationalist Movements dataset, which tracks mobilization by stateless nations from 1492 to 2013, the article compares linear, quadratic, and cubic specifications across historical and geographical scopes. The findings show that linear, arc-shaped, and cyclical interpretations each capture partial dimensions of the historical trajectory. In the Global North after 1800, state-seeking nationalism appears as a secular increase, postwar decline, and renewed wave depending on model specification. At the world-systemic level, however, the inclusion of the Global South shifts the timing and form of decline.

This article analyzes how local political contexts at the municipal and intra-ethnic community levels shape the participation of immigrant place entrepreneurs in local growth politics and their pathways of entry into it. Based on in-depth interviews in Koreatown and Monterey Park in Los Angeles, the paper illustrates how immigrant involvement in local development evolves in response to differences in governance arrangements, electoral influence, and spatial scale. The findings show that the composition and organization of immigrant leadership, along with its position within the regional configuration of ethnoburbs, not only shape the strength of immigrant influence in land use outcomes but also how that influence is recognized, brokered, and constrained by public officials and neighboring growth regimes. Furthermore, political empowerment for immigrant and racial minority communities is often connected to place-based interests, as ethnic identity can shape how neighborhoods and commercial districts are valued, defended, and governed. The comparison highlights contrasting models of immigrant-led development politics: Koreatown operates as an auxiliary to Los Angeles’s dominant growth regime, concentrating leverage among a narrow set of well-positioned actors in a vertical and institutionally centralized political system, while Monterey Park exhibits a more autonomous, horizontally oriented model shaped by majority-representation governance and regional competition and cooperation. Across both cases, immigrant growth politics reflects coalitions in which place-based identity and capital-driven strategies interact in shaping development outcomes.

While a growing body of research has emphasized the role of state-granted legitimacy in shaping public acceptance of complementary and alternative medicine (CAM), less is known about why public views of CAM may remain heterogeneous even when it receives official endorsement. We address this question by highlighting the importance of user experience, using Chinese mainland as a case study. Chinese medicine (CM) is a well-known form of CAM that is deeply embedded in China’s healthcare system, supported by extensive infrastructure and strong policy backing. Drawing on in-depth interviews about people’s use of CM for self-treatment and rehabilitation after COVID-19, we find that “lived efficacy”, a subjective evaluation of effectiveness grounded in personal experience, plays a salient role in health-related decision-making. Individuals with positive prior experiences of CM tend to rely less on external information and often differentiate among various forms of CM, including state-endorsed products and folk practices. By contrast, those without such lived efficacy are more likely to adopt state-endorsed CM remedies based on trusted health information sources, such as government messaging. This study contributes to the literature by showing that the effects of state-granted legitimacy and institutional trust on CAM adoption are conditional and mediated by a multidimensional decision-making process. Lived efficacy and information trust constitute two key mechanisms through which respondents interpret the efficacy-based legitimacy of CM.

Social class and cohort are widely recognized as two key factors that shape parenting attitudes. Yet studies rarely examine them together or assess their relative importance. This study investigates how these two factors jointly influence parenting attitudes. Using data from the 2021 Taiwan Social Change Survey (Family Module), the study examines four measures of parenting attitudes related to parent–child interactions: joint decision-making, preference fulfillment, rule enforcement, and nonintervention. The results show that class is positively associated with joint decision-making and negatively associated with nonintervention, whereas cohort is not significantly associated with any of the four measures. Furthermore, class-based differences are consistently negligible across cohorts. By highlighting the central role of social class, this study shows that parenting attitudes constitute an important domain through which social inequality is reproduced.

In the United States, school mobility is relatively common and often linked to negative academic outcomes, yet little is known about its role in non-Western contexts with more standardized educational systems. Does the relationship between school mobility and academic achievement differ in contexts where schools are more uniform in curriculum, instruction, and academic expectations? This study addresses this question by examining the determinants and consequences of school mobility in South Korea, a country characterized by a highly standardized education system. Using nationally representative longitudinal data on fifth-grade students, this study finds that only 3.2% of students transferred schools between Grades 5 and 6—the final two years of elementary school in South Korea—including 0.7% who transferred for strategic reasons and 2.5% for nonstrategic reasons. Students from non-intact families were more likely to transfer for non-strategic reasons, whereas socioeconomically advantaged students were more likely to move strategically. However, school mobility had no significant association with achievement gains after accounting for covariates, regardless of transfer motivation. These findings suggest that while the motivations underlying school mobility may be similar across countries, its academic consequences are shaped by institutional contexts rather than representing a universal pattern.

This paper explores the development of computational social science (CSS) in China via the model of contested field formation. This model highlights that Chinese CSS emerges amid tensions between institutionalization-driven structural forces and entrenched epistemological traditions, defying both the Western diffusion and the top-down dominance models. The model highlights that three external structural pressures fuel CSS's expansion in Chinese universities: the state's New Liberal Arts (xinwenke) policy, a central-government’s higher education reform that pushes humanities and social sciences toward interdisciplinary, digital, and now AI+ transformation; a graduate labor market crisis that renders CSS training a career credential for humanities and social sciences students; and growing platform data and computational infrastructure enabling innovative research designs. These pressures face two internal constraints: a faculty shortage hindering effective New Liberal Arts implementation on the one hand and, on the other, the epistemological pushback from indigenization-oriented and autonomous-knowledge-system discussions that pivot on whether CSS can generate signature Chinese concepts or merely import universalist categories.

This study systematically reviews literature on U.S. police responses to intimate partner violence (IPV) to identify how police actions were measured, types of police interventions, and consequences of police responses. A comprehensive keyword search was conducted across 12 databases to identify relevant studies. It used predefined inclusion and exclusion criteria aligned with PRISMA-P guidelines. Ultimately, 16 articles were coded according to a pre-developed coding scheme. It finds that 43.7% of the studies investigated the impact of police responses on IPV victims or offenders, while 31.0% aimed to identify the factors associated with those responses. When police responses were used as an independent variable, the most commonly measured interventions included whether the incident was reported to the police and whether arrests were made (62.5%). Victim-related variables, such as leaving an abusive partner, mental health status, repeat victimization, and perceived safety, were frequently examined in relation to police responses. Notably, only 37.5% of the studies provided policy implications, which often focused on recommending additional training or educational programs for law enforcement professionals. This review advances the IPV literature by examining pre-COVID-19 research on police responses, emphasizing theoretical grounding, outcome diversity, and policy relevance. It outlines directions for evidence-based policing research.